Politics Religion and State building (11th – 16th/19th centuries)

The dynasty, the aristocracy and the peasantry

The Shihabs sat at the top of the social ladder. They assumed the title of prince (emir) to be used for all members of the family. The ruling emir took on the title of « ruling prince-emir ». In second place came the Arslan[1] and Abil Lama[2] emirs. Those would, like the Shihabs, embrace Christianity in the 18th century and would alone be able to marry in that family. Below them came the families of sheikhs, ranking as « great » or « little ». These families allowed intermarriage according to specific conventions. In this stratified society, rank was narrowly observed. The respect owed a person did not lessen if they became poor, or increase if they grew rich. Aristocratic alliances were made and unmade on the basis of political interests but not religious faith. Still, there was an inbuilt polarization wherein Quaysites and Yemenites would be replaced in due course by Jumblatti[3] and Yazbaki[4] after 1750. The Christians joined one or the other of these parties. Each aristocratic family ruled over one or several districts, with the title of muqata'ji; the territory under their responsibility was called a muqataat. The muqata'ji fulfilled at least 5 functions:

  1. Protection/living wage: the muquata'ji must ensure the peasant farmers placed in his care had the means to survive by giving them work on their land, usually through tenancy or sharecropping. He answered for their safety and that of their property.

  2. Fiscal: he collected taxes in his district, sometimes contributing himself, to a lesser extent, and retained the monies necessary to his local administration.

  3. Judicial: he judged the offences committed by his subjects but criminal offences were referred to the prince-emir's court.

  4. Military: he retained a militia for the emir to dispose of whether to maintain internal order or to settle potential differences with the Turkish Pashas[5].

  5. Elective: he, along with his peers would be party to the election of the emir. Such an election was carried out through consultation rather than ballot; it nevertheless mitigated the emirship's hereditary aspect and gave it a dimension not to be found in Ottoman institutions.

The other social category, made up with peasant farmers was subservient to the first. The peasant-lord relationship was not based on confessional obedience, it did not entail any investiture rite or oath of loyalty. Most Christians in mixed districts swore allegiance to Druze[6] Muqata'ji and they depended on them in no small number for their upkeep. There were two types of peasant farmers: those, independent, who owned their own land and the land-less who tried to acquire it through their work as set out according to the different types of tenancy. The distinctiveness of the iqta versus other socio-political systems extant in the Ottoman Empire notwithstanding, the peasant farmer was subjected to the miri[7] owed to the sultan. The prince-emir secured his peers' allegiance, paid up the taxes and took up the mantle, insignia of his leadership.

  1. Arslan

    Druze aristocratic family that moved to the region at the time of the early Abbassid caliphs. They bore the title of emir and took an active part in the Emirate's political life. The Arslan emirs held the position of Kaymakam: (Ahmad 1796-1847), (Amine 1809-1858). Other emirs played an important regional part within or without the borders of today's Lebanon, such were Chakib Arslan (1869-1946), his brother Adel Arslan (1887-1954), Fouad Arslan (1874-1930), Majid Arslan (1908-1983) 13 times elected as an MP and several time a minister, notably of defence.

  2. Abi Lama (Abil Lama, Bellama)

    Noble family with roots in the Arabic Himyar tribe from Yemen. One of its branches migrated towards the Syro-Lebanese regions and took control of the key province of the Matn. The battle of Ain Dare in 1711 reinforced the Shihab dynasty's power and confirmed the ascendency of the Abil Lamas among the aristocratic families as they could henceforth marry in the Shihab clan. In both families conversions to Maronite Christianity took place towards the end of the 18th century. When the emirate fell at the hand of the Ottomans, the Abil Lamas found themselves propelled centre stage to govern the Kaymakamate. They would continue to hold high office during the mutasarrifiyya and within the Lebanese Republic.

  3. Jumblatt

    Aristocratic family of Kurdish origin who sought autonomy in Kills and Aleppo. Members of the family settled in Mount Lebanon in the 17th century, embraced the Druze religion and got embroiled in the power struggles that broke up under the Ma'ans. Sheikh Ali (1690-1778), both a spiritual and political leader achieved regional influence and took sides in the Shihab family's internal conflicts. In 1760, he supported the Prince Emir Mansour against his co-Emir Ahmad only to disown him and promote emir Yusuf, son of Emir Melhem and the former's nephew. He helped Emir Yusuf block Dahir al-Umar's push towards Mount Lebanon aided by his Shia clans, only to be enticed by Jazzar Pasha to fight the Emir. Sheikh Ali died in 1778 and was succeeded by his son Bashir. Sheikh Bashir helped Emir Bashir II to access the throne and had full control of Mountain affairs until 1823. At that point, the Sheikh sought to overthrow the Emir and a merciless struggle was unleashed between the two men which ended with the defeat and death of Sheikh Bashir in Acre in 1825. The Jumblatts remained key players during the troubled period that followed the collapse of the Emirate in 1840. Sheikh Said's prestige grew greater than that of kaymakam Arslan. Implicated in the 1860 troubles he died in prison in 1861. His son Najib (1855-1922) challenged the Arslans for the Kaymakamate of the Chouf. The prestige of the house lived on in the State of Lebanon, upheld by Nazira Jumblatt (1890-1951), Kamal Bey (1917-1977) founder of the Progressive Socialist Party and his son Walid Bey.

  4. Yazbaki

    The Jumblatti-Yazbaki rivalry is a later polarisation appearing in 1750 and adopting the same patterns as the Quaisite-Yemenite divide until 1920. These formations were replaced by the formation of modern parties within the Lebanese Republic. However traces of these antagonisms survive.

  5. Pasha

    Governor high ranking military or city official. In the Mashreq often honorary title added after the name of those high ranking Ottoman dignitaries to whom it was granted. This title was not hereditary and became the appanage of provincial governors and central government's viziers.

  6. Druze

    Followers of a Shi'a doctrine derived from Ismailism to which are added specific texts and references; they became organised under the rule of the Fatimid dynasty in the 11th century. The esoteric content of their teaching revolves around Caliph al-Hakim identified as universal intellect or ‘aql. The first figures to preach the new doctrine are Nashtakin ad-Darazi (hence the term “Druze”), a Turk and Hamza ibn Ali, native of Persia. The death of the Caliph in 1021 saw the disappearance of the movement in Egypt and its spreading around Mount Hermon's peasantry. The Druze form a closed community with its own customs. It is divided between the “knowledgeable initiate” and the “ignorant”, the former duty-bound to observe seven commandments. The Druze have upheld some features of the Muslim faith but they attend secret meetings in specific places of worship. They await the return of al-Hakim and Hamza who must restore justice in this world.

    The Druze flourished mostly on Mount Lebanon were a few families such as the Buhturs / Tanukhs settled on the heights of Beirut and gained notoriety in the fight against the Franks (Europeans). The Ma'ans established an actual dynasty upon the advent of the Ottomans, they co-opted aristocratic families like the Jumblatts, the Arslans, set up an emirate in Lebanon and some of its neighbouring regions and integrated the Christians in the regime's fabric. Under the Shihabs, aristocratic families exercised power over regions of henceforth mixed populations. The Egypto-Ottoman conflict and the interference of the European powers broke the union between Druze and Maronites and brought about the fall of the emirate in 1840. A part of the community moved to Hauran in Syria in the 19th century and managed to hold their own against the Turks on the eve of the First World War and against the French Mandate between 1925 and 1927. Their name has passed to the region known as Jabal al-Druze and they have continued to play a key role at each turning point of Syria's history. Another community thrived in Palestine and sided with the State of Israel where the Druze are the only Arabs to serve in the IDF. The three communities have their own spiritual hierarchy which gives primacy to the Lebanese branch; they maintain with each other and with the Diaspora an exemplary solidarity.

  7. Miri

    Annual tribute paid by wilayet governors to the central treasury of the Ottoman Empire. It could be paid in several instalments according to a customary tax collection schedule. Mount Lebanon's miri amounted to 3500 purses but this sum was exorbitantly increased between 1730 and 1860, reflecting the Ottoman Empire's difficult economic situation as the industrial revolution caught on.

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AccueilAccueilImprimerImprimer Karam Rizk, Professor of History at the Université du Saint-Esprit of Kaslik (Liban) Paternité - Pas d'Utilisation Commerciale - Pas de ModificationRéalisé avec Scenari (nouvelle fenêtre)