First war and end of the Shihab Emirate (1841-1842)
The causes of division were plentiful; driven by politics, demographics, religion and culture, they were exacerbated by external interventions. Two problems loomed large. The first, related to taxation, regarded the amount to be paid to the Porte. The latter had promised an exemption to the Christians in recognition of their opposition to Muhammad Ali[1] by way of a compensation for the losses suffered during the spring-summer 1840 revolt. However in view of the state of imperial finances, the Porte backtracked on its word and demanded a rise in the levy. The Christians refused to pay whilst it irked the Druze[2] to find themselves alone subjected to taxation. The British dithered. Before this wavering Patriarch Hubaysh[3] drafted a fiscal plan specific to the Mountain wherein he stated a maximal rate of 3500 purses. This corresponded to the amount paid before the Egyptian occupation: between 1000 and 1200 purses would be paid to the Porte but the most part was to go to the local administration. The British diplomatic representatives, Richard Wood[4] among them, remarked on the bold but infeasible nature of a project that heightened the Mountain's autonomy. The Patriarch stuck to his guns observing that the rise in taxes under the Egyptians had the merit to bring more security and tranquillity whereas the Ottomans did not fulfil their promises or their duties. And he further represented that some clauses of the 1838 treaty, particularly beneficial to British trade, had a negative impact on the economy. A specifically religious dispute poisoned relations between Patriarch Hubaysh and the British. In order to protect the unity, autonomy and individuality of the Maronite church, he had, as from 1823, forbidden the activities of Protestant missionaries[5], excommunicating if need be the Maronites who had had contacts with them and whom he considered “heretical”. As a result the missionaries had been driven out of exclusively Maronite sectors and had moved towards mixed districts whereupon London got closer to the Druze community.
The second problem was political, resulting from Bashir III's weakness and his inability to govern Mount Lebanon. The Porte and Consul Wood sought to remedy their protégé's impotence by suggesting the creation of a 12 member-council representing all the communities pro rata. The Maronite patriarch accepted it under condition of preserving the legitimacy of power as exercised according to tradition, one and undivided by the Shihabs on a unified Mount Lebanon. The Druze rejected it, they demanded their own governor and protested their readiness to fight the Christians in the name of their loyalty to the sultan and their attachment to Islam. In the absence of a decision from Istanbul, the Patriarch developed a 12 points project pushing the Mountain's autonomy even further. This program, which contemporaries thought revolutionary would have equipped Mount Lebanon with a mini-constitution towards an autonomous state, governed by a Shihab emir, associating the people to each institutional component: legislative, legal and financial.
The five months of negotiation conducted with the local overlords, Ottoman officials and diplomatic personnel yielded no solution to tax distribution or the kind of power to be set in place in the Mountain, quite the reverse: tensions grew, insecurity set in in every region. In the spring of 1841 a hunting or sporting incident became the pretext to sectarian violence resulting in 17 deaths, all Druze. The patriarch offered apologies in the name of the Maronites and sent delegations to Druze overlords to settle the dispute but the reconciliation was purely cosmetic. The meeting of Mountain lords organised by Bashir III at Deir al Qamar presented the Druze with an opportunity for revenge. They besieged and pillaged the city after Christian reinforcements were defeated by Ottoman-backed Druze troops. Selim Pasha[6]'s intervention, supported by the British Consul, Colonel Rose[7] put an end to the hostilities. But clashes affected other places: Zahlé, the largest Christian town in the Bekaa was targeted but received support from the Shia emir Khanjar Harfush[8], Mutassilim[9] of Baalbek even as diplomats Wood and Basili[10] were stepping in. Everywhere else the Christians were defeated but the 1500 victims were Druze in their majority.
Usually left masters of the ground, and encouraged by the British who favoured the creation of districts on religious lines in the region, the Druze re-stated their demand for self-rule. On two occasions, they physically attacked Bashir III who, finally deposed by the Porte and replaced by Omar Pasha[11] was forced into exile in Istanbul: on 16 January 1842 in Beirut, Mustapha Pasha[12] declared the end of the Shihab emirship, thus acting in line with the Tanzimat[13] which was predicated on a more direct Ottoman control.