Migratory flows (16th–19th century)

The study of migratory flows from the angle of its representation has not traditionally been part of a Lebanese historiographic approach. When the theme comes up in the context of population movements throughout history, from the Phoenicians of old to the 20^th century, the myths convey actual facts as confirmed by sources. What seems to have mattered was to make much of some sort of natural vocation calling the region's successive societies to further the transfer of knowledge and skills between the Mediterranean shores. However, when relying on different kinds of documentary evidence (speeches, poems, memoirs, graphic production), there is no monolithic representation of the migrant ; images vary with the times, the place, the area, the faith, the age, the gender, the socio-political background, and many more other identity traits. From the Syro-Lebanese region, migrants from all backgrounds came to settle in Egypt but intellectuals and writers formed a group which played a unique part, punching well above its demographic weight.

This elite's role received attention in real time, in a world where Arabic, Turkish and an assortment of European languages were in current use. Its activities were at times encouraged but more often distrusted by the local powers. As for its composition, it was essentially made up of men, but counted some women enjoying the kind of income that allowed them to live of their writing or of their art. They were not seeking wealth but rather an environment offering both security and openings for their talents. They created and ran the first Arabic language press outlets, trod the boards, wove new patterns in their poetry, enriching their production with imports accessed thanks to their multilingualism. Tourist guides published in Lebanon and in Egypt in the first half of the 20^th century point up a movement trend by a social set both materially and culturally advantaged: their authors sought to encourage certain types of behaviour by drawing a glowing picture of the possibilities of exchange. Conversely history textbooks drafted half a century later had nothing to say on the subject. Schoolbooks currently used in Egypt ignore this history to the extent that the Shawam^[1] 's role in the birth of the national press is as good as forgotten. Lebanese textbooks refer grudgingly to such and such economic or political aspect (involvement in ‘liberation' movements; relations with Egypt and neighbouring countries).

Shami (Shawam in the plural), Turki/Turcos, Syro-lebanese, Mashriqi^[2], Levantine, Nazarene... Depending on who the speaker was, so many words to name this migrant settling in Egypt. He was both close and distinct from the Ibn al-balad^[3] whom the collective mood at the time had endowed with mysterious powers : his inborn superiority, had him ever ready to outfox the foreigner. A number of traits connected the native to his neighbourly migrant : familiarity with classical Arabic, social practices ranging from the relationship between the sexes to culinary habits, the want of political sovereignty (Ottoman then European domination through Protectorate and Mandate). The question of obtaining Egyptian nationality was left open after the Treaty of Lausanne but there can be a long way between the law and its implementation. With hindsight historian Massoud Daher notes that the motto « Egypt is above all else, Egypt is mother of all » favoured by some conceals a kind of latent jingoism. This value judgment is not shared by Egyptian historians.

Religion plays a key role in societies, but being a “minority” in the midst of a Muslim majority was perceived differently by Christians in Beirut– before and even more so after the proclamation of Greater Lebanon – and those in Cairo or Alexandria. Massoud Daher refers to the conclusions put forward by Mahrous Ismail in an unpublished study according to which Muslim migrants fuse more quickly with Egyptian society, notably through marriage, they think of themselves as Egyptians on the so called « Land of Islam », while keeping up their contacts with their country of birth. Conversely the Christians' lives are more confined to their own social network and they harbour a deeper hankering for a ‘motherland' the perimeter of which was not always clearly delineated before 1920. However, such generalities as ferried by collective memories should not blind us to the diversity in individual situations.